which development during the first decade of the twentieth century can best be explained in the context of the “weakening of the conservative principle” mentioned in the first paragraph of the passage?
James
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Which of the following best represents the purpose of Trotsky's statement in the passage above?
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To argue that Russia is ripe for a socialist revolution, despite being less industrialized than other European countries
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China's strategy for modernization and economic development in the 1950s most closely resembled the developmental strategy of
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the Soviet Union
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Which of the following best represents the purpose of Trotsky's statement in the passage above?
To argue that Russia is ripe for a socialist revolution, despite being less industrialized than other European countries
China's strategy for modernization and economic development in the 1950s most closely resembled the developmental strategy of
the Soviet Union
Which of the following best explains why most Marxist socialists in the early twentieth century, including Rosa Luxemburg, believed in the necessity of a "dictatorship of the proletariat"?
They believed that establishing state control over economic production and a seizure of bourgeois private property were essential steps toward building communism.
Despite their shared opposition to war, Moltke's and Giolitti's arguments in the two passages are different most likely because
Moltke is mainly concerned about the changing nature of warfare and the threat of a total war, whereas Giolitti is mainly concerned about the inherent instability of the European alliance system.
In Poem 2, the reference to Indian victories on battlefields is best understood in the context of which of the following?
The mobilization of Indian troops to fight in Great Britain's wars
Japan's industrialization during the Meiji period and the Soviet Union's industrialization during the 1920s and 1930s had which of the following characteristics in common?
Industrialization in both countries was achieved largely through state direction rather than through private initiative.
Which development during the first decade of the twentieth century can best be explained in the context of the "weakening of the conservative principle" mentioned in the first paragraph of the passage?
The Mexican Revolution, as middle classes and peasants united to oust longtime dictator Porfirio Díaz and establish a more equitable society
Moltke's prediction in Source 1 about the consequences of a potential war between Germany and France is most directly explained by the fact that
previous conflicts had stirred intense nationalism in France and Germany
Which of the following most directly explains the Nazis' ability to carry out the policies of extermination shown in the image?
Local populations collaborated with the regime either out of racial prejudice, fear, or hopes for material gain.
Asian reactions to Western claims of racial and cultural superiority, such as the reaction by Shigenobu in the passage, were also instrumental in the period 1918-1945 in the
intensification of anti-imperial resistance activities and independence movements
Which of the following best supports the contention that the First World War was the first total war?
Governments mobilized large segments of their populations and economies and targeted their opponents' military and economic capabilities.
Which of the following factors contributed most significantly to the contraction of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century?
Independence movements inspired by ethnic nationalism
Which of the following is an accurate description of relations between European states and the Ottoman Empire in the period 1815 to 1914 ?
Russian, English, and French expansion came at the expense of the Ottomans.
Which of the following statements best represents a nationalistic interpretation of the collapse of the Ottoman and Russian empires during and immediately after the First World War?
The growing demands of various ethnic groups within these multiethnic empires were the primary reasons for the collapse.
The passage above best exemplifies which of the following processes shortly after the outbreak of the First World War?
The strengthening of nationalist sentiment throughout Europe
Anticolonial movements like the Congress Party in India and the Young Turks agreed on which of the following?
The need for reform in order to resist European imperialism
In the mid-twentieth century, which of the following was a similarity between the approaches of China and the Soviet Union in managing their respective economies?
Direct intervention in their economies to speed the process of industrialization
Which of the following developments during the Second World War would Franck most likely have cited as evidence to support his arguments in the passage?
Allied firebombing in Germany and Japan had caused massive devastation and civilian casualties, and atomic weapons were vastly more powerful than those used in firebombing.
As described by Keshavarz in the first paragraph, which of the following would best explain why European countries were implementing policies to increase the size of their populations?
Where did it all go wrong for Russia? – Pat Walsh
The short answer is: when Tsar Nicholas II offered his country and its population up to Britain in its Great War of 1914 to destroy Germany and break up the Ottoman Empire. In waging that War, in which Russia was bled to collapse in return for substantial British finance to continue fighting to the bitter…
Pat Walsh
Pat Walsh History & Politics Analyst
2019-07-20DRPATWALSH
Where did it all go wrong for Russia?
The short answer is: when Tsar Nicholas II offered his country and its population up to Britain in its Great War of 1914 to destroy Germany and break up the Ottoman Empire. In waging that War, in which Russia was bled to collapse in return for substantial British finance to continue fighting to the bitter end, the Tsar sealed the fate of himself, his dynasty and his State. And it has taken Russia, and the World, a century to recover from that momentous decision.
The Tsar had been warned for a long time before about the dangerous road he was taking by his most able and impressive minister, Count Witte, who Nicholas had unfortunately dismissed in 1903. But he received one final warning before he finally took Russia to the abyss.
It came from Pyotr Durnovo, Count Witte’s old Interior Minister, who had effectively suppressed the 1905 Revolution for the Tsar. Durnovo was a conservative monarchist who believed that it was not in Russia’s interest to fight a costly war with an uncertain outcome against Germany, another state of traditional character. He thought the outcome of such a destructive war would only help further the inserts of Russia’s geopolitical enemy, Britain, and that rapprochement with Germany should be taken as a more prudent course by the Tsar.
In a long memorandum to the Tsar, written in February 1914, Durnovo set out his case to his leader. He warned about the drift of Russian Foreign Policy toward war, since 1907, in alliance with England and France, over the Pan-Slavic cause in the Balkans. It is one of the most magnificently prophetic pieces of writing in World history and is, therefore, worthy of re-publication. It can be found in full below this commentary.
A copy of the Durnovo Memorandum was found among the Tsar’s most valued personal papers when he was arrested in 1917. It might have been that Nicholas had come to realise the wisdom of Durnovo’s warning and saw the document as a kind of guide to what future travails would befall his country as a result of the decision to go to war. Or it might be that the Tsar kept it to remind the doubters how wrong they had been when the Russian Steamroller rolled into Berlin and Istanbul had become Tsargrad. We will never know.
It shows an unusually perceptive understanding of the nature of the Great War that was about to fought and why it was the wrong course for Russia to take. And history verifies its almost faultless predictive accuracy.
Durnovo made no bones about describing the war he saw coming as being about the rivalry that had developed between Germany and England over recent decades. It was, really, none of Russia’s business. Durnovo told the Tsar that the British would, through necessity, expand this war into a world war, and wage it with such a formidable group of allies that success was highly probable. It would seize the small number of German colonies, stop Germany’s trade and destroy her navy. Durnovo also accurately predicted the main line ups as France, Russia, Britain, Italy, Serbia and Romania against Germany, Austro-Hungary, Ottoman Turkey and Bulgaria with the U.S. coming in later on the British side.
Durnovo saw no good in the Tsar’s 1907 agreement with England and plenty of danger for Russia in what it was now entailing. It was the pivotal event on the Russian road to destruction. After a discussion about the supposed benefits to Russia in the Far East and Persia of the Anglo-Russian Convention, Durnovo stated: “To sum up, the Anglo-Russian accord has brought us nothing of practical value up to this time, while for the future, it threatens us with an inevitable armed clash with Germany.”
Durnovo correctly foresaw that the main burden of the war would fall on Russia and her population, as the Allies’ “battering ram”. The French, with their declining population, could only possibly provide a holding operation in the West, whilst the British would use the sea to their own selfish advantage, as per usual. That was, after all, the British way in warfare and Empire building.
In conclusion, Durnovo advised the Tsar:
“A summary of all that has been stated above must lead to the conclusion that a rapprochement with England does not promise us any benefits, and that the English orientation of our diplomacy is essentially wrong. We do not travel the same road as England; she should be left to go her own way, and we must not quarrel on her account with Germany.
The Triple Entente is an artificial combination, without a basis of real interest. It has nothing to look forward to. The future belongs to a close and incomparably more vital rapprochement of Russia, Germany, France (reconciled with Germany), and Japan (allied to Russia by a strictly defensive union). A political combination like this, lacking all aggressiveness toward other States, would safeguard for many years the peace of the civilized nations, threatened, not by the militant intentions of Germany, as English diplomacy is trying to show, but solely by the perfectly natural striving of England to retain at all costs her vanishing domination of the seas. In this direction, and not in the fruitless search of a basis for an accord with England, which is in its very nature contrary to our national plans and aims, should all the efforts of our diplomacy be concentrated.
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Table of contents :
Russian Conservatism
Contents Preface Introduction
Chapter 1: Defining Russian Conservatism
Chapter 2: The Reign of Alexander I
Chapter 3: Official Nationality
Chapter 4: The Slavophiles
Chapter 5: The Great Reforms
Chapter 6: The Era of Counter-Reform
Chapter 7: Between Revolutions
Chapter 8: Emigration
Chapter 9: The Soviet Union Under Stalin
Chapter 10: Late Soviet Conservatism
Chapter 11: Post-Soviet Russia
Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P R S T U V W Y Z
Citation preview
R u s s i a n C o n s e r vat i s m
A volume in the NIU Series in Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies Edited by Christine D. Worobec For a list of books in the series, visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu.
Russian C o n s e r vat i s m
P a u l R o b i n s o n
Northern Illinois University Press an imprint of Cornell University Press Ithaca and London
Copyright © 2019 by Cornell University Press All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu. First published 2019 by Cornell University Press Printed in the United States of America ISBN 978-1-5017-4734-2 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-5017-4736-6 (pdf) ISBN 978-1-5017-4735-9 (epub/mobi) Book and cover design by Yuni Dorr Librarians: A CIP record is available with the Library of Congress.
Cover image courtesy of kremlin.ru.
C ontents PREFACE VII INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1
D E F I N I N G R U S S I A N C O N S E R VAT I S M
3 CHAPTER 2
THE REIGN OF ALE XANDER I
CHAPTER 3
O F F I C I A L N AT I O N A L I T Y
CHAPTER 4
T H E S L AV O P H I L E S
CHAPTER 5
T H E G R E AT R E F O R M S
CHAPTER 6
THE ERA OF COUNTER-REFORM
CHAPTER 7
BETWEEN RE VOLUTIONS
CHAPTER 8 E M I G R AT I O N CHAPTER 9
THE SOVIET UNION UNDER STALIN
CHAPTER 10
L AT E S O V I E T C O N S E R VAT I S M
CHAPTER 11 POST-SOVIET RUSSIA CONCLUSION NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX 7 25 43 61 77 101 115 131 215 219 281 261 183 165 153 P reface I
would like to thank Amy Farranto of Northern Illinois University Press for suggesting that I write this book and for supporting the project thereafter. Thanks also to my wife Chione, Aleksandr Churkin, Oksana Drozdova, Aleksandr Dugin, Paul Grenier, Gary Hamburg, Egor Kholmogorov, Iury Lisitsa, Alexander Martin, Mikhail Remizov, and Alison Rowley. All dates in this book are new style. In the notes and bibliography, I have strictly followed the Library of Congress system for transliterating Russian words and names. In cases where I have used translations from Russian, the transliteration of names may vary according to the translator, so that one author’s name may appear in several versions. In the main text, I have altered the Library of Congress system in a number of ways to reflect normal English usage and to bring it closer to how words sound in English. For this reason, I have transliterated the Russian ё as yo not e. Because Russian authors whose names end in ий are popularly rendered as ending in y not ii, I have used the former—Dostoevsky, not Dostoevskii. I have also generally used a y for the Russian soft sign—thus Ilyin, not Il’in—although on some occasions I have omitted the soft sign entirely—Tretiakov, not Tret’iakov. Where there is a generally accepted transliteration for a Russian name, I have used that—Yeltsin not El’tsin, Wrangel not Vrangel’, and so on. The names of tsars are given in English—for instance, Nicholas I and Alexander I, not Nikolai I and Aleksandr I. Again, this is to reflect common practice.
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