what were the main negative effects of the economic policies of european colonizers?
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Chapter 19 Section 2
Start studying Chapter 19 Section 2 - The Challenge of Democracy in Africa. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.
Chapter 19 Section 2 - The Challenge of Democracy in Africa
5.0 5 Reviews federal system
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Power is shared between state governments and a central authority
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martial law
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temporary military rule
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Terms in this set (11)
federal system
Power is shared between state governments and a central authority
martial law
temporary military rule
dissidents
government opponents
apartheid
complete separation of the races
Nelson Mandela
South African anti-apartheid revolutionary, politician and philanthropist who served as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999
What effect did old colonial boundaries have on newly independent African states?
-Ignored cultural or ethnic divisions, causing conflict
-Economic dependence
-Lacked skilled, literate work force
What was the outcome of the war between Nigeria and Biafra?
Nigeria was reunited but many died
What were the homelands in South Africa?
Places set aside for the black race. Was only 13% of the land in South Africa.
What do you think is the main problem that Nigeria must overcome before it can establish a democratic government?
Nigeria must unite; there are too many self-ruled separate states.
What are some of the important issues facing South Africa today?
- Poverty - Violence/Crime - Unemployment - AIDS
What were the main negative effects of the economic policies of European colonizers?
They didn't teach Africans how to govern, the colonies generally had only two kinds of cash crops that could not support Africa's colonies by themselves. The colonies also had a small middle class resulting in more issues.
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The economic impact of colonialism
The immense economic inequality we observe in the world today is the path-dependent outcome of a multitude of historical processes, one of the most important of which has been European colonialism. This column, taken from a recent Vox eBook, discusses how colonialism has shaped modern inequality in several fundamental, but heterogeneous, ways.
The economic impact of colonialism
Daron Acemoğlu, James Robinson 30 January 2017The immense economic inequality we observe in the world today is the path-dependent outcome of a multitude of historical processes, one of the most important of which has been European colonialism. This column, taken from a recent Vox eBook, discusses how colonialism has shaped modern inequality in several fundamental, but heterogeneous, ways.
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Editor's note: This column first appeared as a chapter in the Vox eBook, The Long Economic and Political Shadow of History, Volume 1, available to download here.
The immense economic inequality we observe in the world today didn’t happen overnight, or even in the past century. It is the path-dependent outcome of a multitude of historical processes, one of the most important of which has been European colonialism. Retracing our steps 500 years, or back to the verge of this colonial project, we see little inequality and small differences between poor and rich countries (perhaps a factor of four). Now the differences are a factor of more than 40, if we compare the richest to the poorest countries in the world. What role did colonialism play in this?
In our research with Simon Johnson we have shown that colonialism has shaped modern inequality in several fundamental, but heterogeneous, ways. In Europe the discovery of the Americas and the emergence of a mass colonial project, first in the Americas, and then, subsequently, in Asia and Africa, potentially helped to spur institutional and economic development, thus setting in motion some of the prerequisites for what was to become the industrial revolution (Acemoglu et al. 2005). But the way this worked was conditional on institutional differences within Europe. In places like Britain, where an early struggle against the monarchy had given parliament and society the upper hand, the discovery of the Americas led to the further empowerment of mercantile and industrial groups, who were able to benefit from the new economic opportunities that the Americas, and soon Asia, presented and to push for improved political and economic institutions. The consequence was economic growth. In other places, such as Spain, where the initial political institutions and balance of power were different, the outcome was different. The monarchy dominated society, trade and economic opportunities, and in consequence, political institutions became weaker and the economy declined. As Marx and Engels put it in the Communist Manifesto,
“The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie.”
It did, but only in some circumstances. In others it led to a retardation of the bourgeoisie. In consequence colonialism drove economic development in some parts of Europe and retarded it in others.
Colonialism did not, however, merely impact the development of those societies that did the colonising. Most obviously, it also affected the societies that were colonised. In our research (Acemoglu et al. 2001, 2002) we showed that this, again, had heterogeneous effects. This is because colonialism ended up creating very distinct sorts of societies in different places. In particular, colonialism left very different institutional legacies in different parts of the world, with profoundly divergent consequences for economic development. The reason for this is not that the various European powers transplanted different sorts of institutions – so that North America succeeded due to an inheritance of British institutions, while Latin America failed because of its Spanish institutions. In fact, the evidence suggests that the intentions and strategies of distinct colonial powers were very similar (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012). The outcomes were very different because of variation in initial conditions in the colonies. For example, in Latin America, where there were dense populations of indigenous people, a colonial society could be created based on the exploitation of these people. In North America where no such populations existed, such a society was infeasible, even though the first British settlers tried to set it up. In response, early North American society went in a completely different direction: early colonising ventures, such as the Virginia Company, needed to attract Europeans and stop them running off into the open frontier and they needed to incentivise them to work and invest. The institutions that did this, such as political rights and access to land, were radically different even from the institutions in the colonising country. When British colonisers found Latin-American-like circumstances, for example in South Africa, Kenya or Zimbabwe, they were perfectly capable of and interested in setting up what we have called ‘extractive institutions’, based on the control of and the extraction of rents from indigenous peoples. In Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) we argue that extractive institutions, which strip the vast mass of the population of incentives or opportunities, are associated with poverty. It is also not a coincidence that such African societies are today as unequal as Latin American countries.
African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies
This article reviews how colonial rule and African actions during the colonial period affected the resources and institutional settings for subsequent economic development south of the Sahara. The issue is seen from the perspective of the dynamics of development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant region characterised by shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market activities and by varying but often low levels of political centralisation. The differential impact of French and British rule is explored, but it is argued that a bigger determinant of the differential evolution of poverty, welfare and structural change was the contrast between “settler” and “peasant” economies.
Índice Documento siguiente 1 | 2010
Dossier | Africa: 50 years of independence — Review | Major development policy trends
Dossier | Afrique : 50 ans d'indépendance
African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies
Gareth Austinp. 11-32
https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.78
Traducción(es):
Développement économique et legs coloniaux en Afrique [fr]
Resumen | Índice | Plano | Texto | Bibliografía | Notas | Cita | Citado por | Autor
RESUMEN
This article reviews how colonial rule and African actions during the colonial period affected the resources and institutional settings for subsequent economic development south of the Sahara. The issue is seen from the perspective of the dynamics of development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant region characterised by shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market activities and by varying but often low levels of political centralisation. The differential impact of French and British rule is explored, but it is argued that a bigger determinant of the differential evolution of poverty, welfare and structural change was the contrast between “settler” and “peasant” economies.
Inicio de página ENTRADAS DEL ÍNDICE
Thematic keywords:
colonial | colonisation, democracy, economic | development history, history, independence, political economy
Geographic keywords:
Africa Sub-SaharanInicio de página PLANO 1. Introduction
2. Post-colonial change and variation
3. Contrasting perspectives on the colonial legacy
4. A pre-colonial perspective on colonial legacies
5. Colonial regimes: similarities and variations
6. Colonial rule and Africa’s specialisation in primary product exports
7. Towards manufacturing?
8. Markets and African entrepreneurship
9. State capacity 10. Conclusion Inicio de página TEXTO COMPLETO PDF 296k
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1. Introduction
1 The current names of former colonies are preferred in this essay, not least because until the 1930s (...)
1
This article asks how the legacies of European rule, both generally and in particular categories of colony, have affected post-colonial economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The year 1960 is conventionally used as the “stylised date” of independence, for the good reason that it saw the end of colonial rule in most of the French colonies south of the Sahara as well as in the most populous British and Belgian ones (Nigeria and Congo respectively).1 Half a century is a reasonable period over which to review the economic impact of legacies because it allows us to consider the issue in the context of different phases of post-colonial policy and performance.
2
The causal significance of legacies varies, in that they affect subsequent freedom of manoeuvre to different extents and in different directions. At its strongest, legacy takes the form of “path determination”, implying that colonial choices determined post-colonial ones, or at least conditioned them, such that departure from the colonial pattern was, and perhaps remains, difficult and costly. Besides asking about the strength of the influence of the past on the future, we need to consider the nature of that influence. Did colonial rule put African countries on a higher or lower path of economic change? It will be argued here that the “path(s)” on which African economies were (to a greater or lesser extent) set by the time of independence are most usefully seen not as necessarily initiated in the colonial period, but often rather as continuations and adjustments from paths of change established before the European partition of the continent.
3
The following discussion has three preliminary sections. Thus, chapter 2 first attempts a summary of the economic record since independence in order to define the pattern for which colonial legacies may have been partly responsible. Chapter 3 outlines contending views of those legacies. Chapter 4 tries to define the economic and political structures and trends within Africa on the eve of the European partition of the continent. It identifies an emerging African comparative advantage in land-extensive forms of production, which West Africans in particular were already exploiting and, by their investments and initiatives, deepening.
4
In this framework, chapter 5 then introduces the colonial regimes, highlighting their fiscal constraints and comparing different national styles of colonial rule, focusing on the largest empires, those of Britain and France. It is a theme of this essay, however, that another kind of variation between colonies was more important, i.e. that defined by the extent and form of European appropriation and use of land: “settler”, “plantation” and “peasant” colonies. Chapter 6 considers how far colonial rule (and the actions of European companies that it facilitated) reinforced the emergence of a comparative advantage in land-extensive primary exports and looks at the consequences of this for the welfare of the population. Chapter 7 explores colonial contributions, and their limits, for the very long-term shift of African factor endowments from labour scarcity towards labour abundance and a relatively high level of human capital formation, such as helped Tokugawa Japan, and more recently other parts of Asia, to achieve “labour-intensive industrialisation” (Sugihara 2007). Chapter 8 assesses the impact of different kinds of European regime on African entrepreneurship and on institutions facilitating, hindering or channelling African participation in markets. Chapter 9 completes the substantive discussion by commenting on the long-term effects of the colonial intrusion on the capacity of the State in Africa for facilitating and promoting economic development.
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