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What prompted the change in Ronald Reagan’s approach toward the Soviet Union during his second term?
Answer:The correct answer to the following question will be "a change in Soviet leadership ".Explanation:If either the earlier organization's aspirations have b…
03/17/2020 Social Studies High School
answered • expert verified
What prompted the change in Ronald Reagan’s approach toward the Soviet Union during his second term? a change in Soviet leadership backlash from the American public pressure from European allies Congress’s refusal to ratify treaties
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Virtuoso 5K answers 46.8M people helpedAnswer:
The correct answer to the following question will be "a change in Soviet leadership ".Explanation:
If either the earlier organization's aspirations have been too high, the above band's inherent cynicism might have caused themselves to overemphasize everything revolutionary.
By NSDD-32, the Reagan admin adopted a new approach against the Soviet Union would fight the USSR across several directions :
To lower Soviet access to the highest-technology facilities.
Their wealth decline.
Like depriming the global consumer interest of Soviet goods.
Therefore, it's the right answer.
diavinad8 and 61 more users found this answer helpful
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Ambitious 34 answers 3.2K people helped
Answer: a change in soviet leadership
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Ronald Reagan: Foreign Affairs
Ronald Reagan: Foreign Affairs
Ronald Reagan: Foreign Affairs RONALD REAGAN: FOREIGN AFFAIRS
In his last debate with President Jimmy Carter in 1980, Ronald Reagan asked the American public: “Is America as respected throughout the world as it was? Do you feel that . . . we’re as strong as we were four years ago?” Throughout the campaign, Reagan made clear his belief that America's international prestige and power had declined precipitously over, not just the last four years, but the entire preceding decade.
Reagan particularly wanted to redefine national policy toward the Soviet Union. Along with most other national leaders, he had supported the fundamental policy of containing the Soviet Union that President Harry Truman adopted in 1947 and was subsequently followed by all Presidents of both parties. But Reagan believed that the Soviets had taken advantage of détente, as practiced by Presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter. As an example, Reagan contended that the SALT II nuclear treaty, negotiated by Carter but never ratified by the Senate, imposed greater limits on the United States than on the Soviet Union. At the same time, Reagan was convinced that the Soviets were weaker economically than the intelligence community believed. As early as June 18, 1980, Reagan told reporters and editors at The Washington Post, that "it would be of great benefit to the United States if we started a buildup" because the Soviets would be unable to compete and would come to the bargaining table.
In the decades before his presidency, Reagan had read and thought deeply about American foreign policy and brought with him to the White House a number of strong convictions. He regarded Communism as an immoral and destructive ideology and believed that the Soviet Union was bent on world domination. In a famous speech on March 8, 1983, the one in which he referred to the Soviet Union as an "evil empire," he also called the Soviets "the focus of evil in the modern world."At the same time, Reagan was deeply worried about the accepted national policy that had prevailed since the Soviets acquired atomic weapons of "mutual assured destruction." This assumed that neither the Soviet Union nor the United States would ever attack each other out of mutual fear that both nations would be effectively destroyed in a nuclear exchange. This, said Reagan, was "a truly mad policy." He believed that it was immoral to destroy the civilian population of another country in a retaliatory attack. He also worried that the two sides might blunder into nuclear war—in fact, that almost happened on September 26, 1983, when a defective Soviet satellite system mistakenly reported a supposed U.S. missile attack. Reagan's vision, not well understood when he took office and sometimes misrepresented even today, was of a world free of nuclear weapons and the terror they posed to all mankind.
Reagan's Foreign Policy Team
Reagan believed in cabinet government and assigned a higher role to his secretary of state than to his national security adviser—this made his choice for this position especially critical. His first secretary of state was Alexander Haig, a career military and government man, who had impressed Reagan in a private meeting and also came with the endorsement of former President Nixon. Haig, who called himself the "vicar" of U.S. foreign policy, lasted only eighteen months; he had continual run-ins with the White House staff, which did not consider him a team player, and with Nancy Reagan. Reagan said in his diary that Haig did not want "the President to be involved in setting foreign policy—he regarded it as his turf." Haig was replaced by George Shultz, a Stanford economist who had an even longer background in government. When Shultz took over in June 1982, he proclaimed that he was following Reagan's agenda, not the other way around. Shultz combined bureaucratic skills with diplomatic vision and over time became the most influential member of the cabinet. He gave priority, as did his boss, to U.S.-Soviet relations.
Two other key appointees in the Reagan administration were Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger and Director of Central Intelligence William Casey. Weinberger presided over massive increases in the Pentagon's budget that were crucial to Reagan's strategy of dealing with the Soviets. He also boosted the build-up beyond the level Reagan had promised by calculating the spending increases from President Carter's last budget, which itself included significant arms increases. Weinberger retired in late 1987 after questions arose about whether he had covered up the administration's arms sales to Iran. Ironically, he had been an outspoken internal opponent of the sales. Casey, chief of staff in Reagan's 1980 campaign, was a zealous anti-Communist with an intelligence background dating back to World War II. He died of a brain tumor shortly after leaving office in 1987, at which point he was under investigation for whatever role he may have had in the Iran-Contra affair, a mystery to this day.
The biggest revolving door in the Reagan foreign policy team was at the National Security Council, where six different men served as national security adviser, beginning with Richard Allen and ending with Colin Powell. This turnover in part attests to Reagan's belief that the NSC should be subordinate to the State Department. Nonetheless, national security advisers and their staff played important roles. In the first term, national security adviser Robert (Bud) McFarlane served as midwife of the innovative Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a missile-defense system. In Reagan's second term, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, an NSC staff member, helped lead the administration into the murky depths of the Iran-Contra scandal.
Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration
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Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration
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President Ronald Reagan with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at Camp David in 1986
This article is part of
a series about Ronald Reagan
Political positionsElectoral history
33rd Governor of California
40th President of the United States
Presidency timelineTransitionInaugurations firstsecond
Domestic ReaganomicsForeign Reagan Doctrineinternational trips
Appointments CabinetJudiciary First term
Cold War (1979–1985)Assassination attemptInvasion of Grenada"Evil Empire"
Cold War (1985–1991)disasterLibya bombingIran–Contra affair"Tear down this wall!"INF Treaty
Presidential Library and MuseumMedal of FreedomBibliography
Alzheimer's diagnosisDeath and state funeral
Speeches and debates "A Time for Choosing"Reagan EraReagan AwardDepictionsSixth Party System
The main goal of the US foreign policy during the presidency of Ronald Reagan (1981–1989) was winning the Cold War and the rollback of communism—which was achieved in the Revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe during 1989; in the German reunification in 1990; and in the Dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Historians debate whom to credit, and how much. They agree that victory in the Cold War made the U.S. the world's only superpower, one with good relations with former Communist regimes in Russia and Eastern Europe.
As part of the "Reagan Doctrine", the United States also offered financial and logistics support to the anti-communist opposition in Central Europe and took an increasingly hard line against left-wing governments in Afghanistan, Angola, and Nicaragua.
1 Cold War 1.1 Confrontation
1.2 End of the Cold War
1.3 Collapse of USSR
2 Africa 2.1 Angola 2.2 South Africa 2.3 Libya 3 Asia 3.1 China 3.2 Japan
3.3 Pakistan and India
3.5 Indonesia and East Timor
3.6 Philippines 4 Europe 4.1 United Kingdom 4.2 Holy See 4.3 Poland 5 Latin America 5.1 Nicaragua 5.2 El Salvador 5.3 Guatemala 5.4 Grenada
5.5 1982 Falklands War
6 Middle East 6.1 Afghanistan 6.2 Iran–Iraq War 6.3 Israel
6.4 Iran–Contra affair
6.5 Lebanon 6.6 Saudi Arabia 7 Oceania 7.1 Australia 7.2 New Zealand 8 Human rights
8.1 Armenian genocide
8.2 Bitburg controversy
8.3 Ratification of the Convention on Genocide
8.4 International Court of Justice Jurisdiction
9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 12 Further reading 12.1 Historiography
12.2 Primary sources
13 External links
See also: Reagan Doctrine and Rollback
Reagan's 1985 foreign policy team
George H.W. Bush
William J. CaseyRobert McFarlane
Vernon A. WaltersGeorge Shultz
Reagan escalated the Cold War with the Soviet Union, marking a departure from the policy of détente by his predecessors, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter. The Reagan administration implemented a new policy towards the Soviet Union through (National Security Decisions Directive) to confront the USSR on three fronts: to decrease Soviet access to high technology and diminish their resources, including depressing the value of Soviet commodities on the world market; to (also) increase American defense expenditures to strengthen the U.S. negotiating position; and to force the Soviets to devote more of their economic resources to defense. The massive American military build-up was the most visible.
The administration revived the B-1 bomber program in 1981 that had been canceled by the Carter administration, continued secret development of the B-2 Spirit that Carter intended to replace the B-1, and began production of the MX "Peacekeeper" missile. In response to Soviet deployment of the RSD-10 Pioneer and in accordance with NATO's double-track decision, the administration deployed Pershing II missiles in West Germany to gain a stronger bargaining position to eventually eliminate that entire class of nuclear weapons. His position was that if the Soviets did not remove the RSD-10 missiles (without a concession from the US), America would simply introduce the Pershing II missiles for a stronger bargaining position, and both missiles would be eliminated.