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    suppose that a new government is elected in eurnesia. the new government takes steps toward improving the court system and reducing government corruption. the citizens of eurnesia find these efforts credible and outsiders believe these changes will be effective and long lasting. these changes will probably raise

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    get suppose that a new government is elected in eurnesia. the new government takes steps toward improving the court system and reducing government corruption. the citizens of eurnesia find these efforts credible and outsiders believe these changes will be effective and long lasting. these changes will probably raise from EN Bilgi.

    Econ test 2 Flashcards

    Start studying Econ test 2. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.

    Econ test 2

    Investment from abroad

    Click card to see definition 👆

    -is a way for poor countries to learn state of the art technology from richer countries

    -viewed by economists as a way to increase growth

    -often requires removing restrictions that govts have placed on foreign ownership of domestic capital

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    Suppose that a new government is elected in Eurnesia. The new government takes steps toward improving the court system and reducing government corruption. The citizens of Eurnesia find these efforts credible and outsiders believe these changes will be effective and long lasting. These changes will probably

    Click card to see definition 👆

    Raise productivity per person and real GDP in Eurnesia

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    Terms in this set (82)

    Investment from abroad

    -is a way for poor countries to learn state of the art technology from richer countries

    -viewed by economists as a way to increase growth

    -often requires removing restrictions that govts have placed on foreign ownership of domestic capital

    Suppose that a new government is elected in Eurnesia. The new government takes steps toward improving the court system and reducing government corruption. The citizens of Eurnesia find these efforts credible and outsiders believe these changes will be effective and long lasting. These changes will probably

    Raise productivity per person and real GDP in Eurnesia

    Other things the same, a country that increases its saving rate increases

    its future productivity and real GDP

    If a country's saving rate declined, then other things the same, in the long run the country would have

    lower productivity and lower real GDP per person

    Educational attainment tends to be

    low in countries with high population growth

    Which of the following is physical capital?

    machines in a factory

    The one variable that stands out as the most significant explanation of large variations in living standards around the world is

    productivity

    Which of the following is considered human capital? Knowledge acquired from

    -early childhood education programs

    -job training

    -on the job experience

    As of 2008, using real GDP per person as a measure, we would classify

    Canada as an advanced economy, Mexico as a middle-income country, and Pakistan as a poor country.

    Last year real GDP in the imaginary nation of Populia was 907.5 billion and the population was 3.3 million. The year before real GDP was 750 billion and the population was 3 million. What was the growth rate of real GDP per person during the year?

    10 percent

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    BTI 2022 Nepal Country Report: BTI 2022

    “Governance in Nepal remains problematic, even though the pandemic has provided some impetus for improvement.”

    Nepal Country Report 2022

    Country Dashboard Nepal

    More about Nepal in the BTI Atlas

    To previous reports

    Download Report (PDF)

    Share

    Executive Summary

    The years 2019 and 2020 have been a period of continued improvement in Nepal, despite and sometimes because of significant obstacles. After the 2015 earthquakes and successful national-level elections, Nepal has steadily implemented federalism and achieved economic progress. The COVID-19 pandemic has helped build state capacity and governance, and the country may emerge from the pandemic better than it started. That said, the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NPC), which formed following a merger between two previous communist parties in Nepal, appears on the brink of fracturing, and surprise 2021 elections will be a test of recent progress.

    While Madhesi political protests regarding their rights vis-à-vis the majority dominated the previous two years, this agitation gave way to the implementation of federalism. The ruling NPC appeared capable of governing, though law and governance remain weak in Nepal. In early 2020, Nepal held successful national-level elections to replace legislators who were retiring (as a matter of course). All appeared to be stable until December 2020, when Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli dissolved parliament and announced surprise elections in April 2021. However, this announcement was subject to a legal challenge, and the NPC now appears on the verge of splitting along factional lines. While this is perhaps not ideal for the short-term stability of Nepali politics, there is real hope in the reaction to Oli’s announcement, as all major players appear eager to hold elections, respect the outcome and move forward with democratic governance. Few have suggested a return to violence or demonstrated a lack of respect for Nepal’s chosen institutions.

    On the economic front, Nepal has largely moved past the 2015 earthquakes and the Madheshi-politics-induced Indian trade blockade (2015 – 2016), which led to shortages of fuel, medicines, produce and other necessities. At its peak during this previous period, inflation exceeded 12% (though only 8.8% annually) and growth was nearly flat at 0.6%. In comparison, GDP growth was 7.0% in 2019 and inflation was brought back in check at 5.6%. Unemployment was down slightly, and export growth and tax revenue were up. Aiding this healthy economic recovery was the reduction in chronic electricity outages and, while final figures are not yet available, estimates for 2019 indicate that this recent positive trend is likely to continue. Though rebuilding after the 2015 earthquakes continues and COVID-19 has severely dampened remittances, steady economic progress has gone a long way toward ameliorating conditions for ordinary Nepalis. Women and minority groups continue to be over-represented among the poor. Nepal has a long way to go economically, particularly in terms of trade liberalization, funding education, and research and development, and fostering industrial or service sector-based economic growth.

    On the governance front, many challenges remain and Nepal faces an incredibly challenging structural environment. Nepal is a landlocked country with few natural resources and difficult terrain; it also has considerable ethnolinguistic diversity and staggering poverty. Few governments fare well under such conditions. In Nepal’s case, poor governance has long contributed to poverty and economic stagnation, but the recent past has provided some hope for Nepal’s future. Governance was given a true test during the COVID-19 pandemic. While its steering capability and resource efficiency remain relatively poor, it has proven remarkably effective given the constraints and the experience of handling the pandemic has increased state capacity. Still, governance challenges remain. Despite Nepal’s efforts to normalize relations with India and improve them with China, both have deteriorated during 2020, with little sign of reprieve in sight.

    BTI 2022: Media kit Methodology FAQ

    History and Characteristics

    Nepal’s contemporary political history has been shaped by recurring episodes of mass mobilization and anti-regime contention. Prior to 1990, Nepal’s political system was that of an authoritarian monarchy based on an exclusive and oligarchic social order. Then, a pro-democratic people’s movement brought down the royalist Panchayat system of local governance and transformed Nepal into a constitutional Hindu monarchy and multiparty democracy.

    However, this transition did not establish a stable, well-functioning and consolidated liberal democracy. Rather, Nepal experienced a series of weak governments, with ineffective governance, and the emerging democratic regime left much to be desired. In the late 1990s, a Maoist rebellion erupted that affected almost all 75 districts across the country. It found support, especially among the impoverished and largely disadvantaged rural population, who often felt neglected by the state. Internal armed conflict contributed to a further decline in democracy and human rights. Moreover, in 2001, King Birendra and nearly the entire royal family were murdered under mysterious circumstances. The dead king’s brother, Gyanendra, was crowned king on June 4, 2001. Support for the monarchy waned even among royalists after this event, as Birenda was well-respected and Gyanendra was not.

    Gyanendra did not help the case for continued constitutional monarchy in Nepal. Disappointed by the government’s lack of success in combating the Maoist insurgents, Gyanendra staged a royal coup in 2004/5, claiming full sovereignty and assuming executive authority. This led to the emergence of a broad opposition movement consisting of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Maoist insurgents. Broad-based anti-regime contention orchestrated by the main opposition parties and civil society groups in April 2006 forced King Gyanendra to reinstate the dissolved parliament.

    Source : bti-project.org

    Standing Out from the Crowd: Political Parties’ Candidate (S)election in the Transatlantic World

    Table of ContentsForewordMain FindingsIntroductionCandidate (S)election and Open Primaries in LithuaniaGeneral Background and Personae AgentesThe

    PUBLICATIONPOLITICAL PARTIESEUROPE

    Standing Out from the Crowd: Political Parties’ Candidate (S)election in the Transatlantic World

    Thibault Muzergues Dan Scaduto

    February 18, 2022 SHARE THIS ARTICLE

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    Table of Contents 290 Minute Read

    Standing Out from the Crowd

    Political Parties’ Candidate (S)election in the Transatlantic World

    Copyright © 2022 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved.

    Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the

    written permission of the International Republican Institute.

    Requests for permission should include the following information:

    The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired.

    A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired.

    The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used.

    Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number,

    fax number, email address and mailing address.

    Please send all requests for permission to:

    Attn: Department of External Affairs

    International Republican Institute

    1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800

    Washington, DC 20005

    [email protected]

    Foreword

    “Standing Out from the Crowd: Political Parties’ Candidate (S)election in the Transatlantic World” explores candidate selection processes and practices across a dozen countries in Europe, as well as the United States to better understand how political parties navigate the challenges and opportunities of promoting democratic representation and supporting strong contenders to win elected offices.

    Commissioned by the International Republican Institute (IRI), with the support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the publication reflects the insights of a diverse group of political

    operatives and experts, elected officials, academics, and professionals with experiences in working with political parties.

    Each chapter considers the candidate (s)election practices of national political parties and dissects the political and social contexts in which they unfold. Each case study offers unique perspectives into the varied candidate (s)election processes ranging across the Transatlantic world. The concluding summary was developed by IRI staff following a gathering of the full publication’s case study authors in Rome, Italy in July 2021.

    Main Findings

    Political parties cannot rely on one-size-fits-all or silver bullet solutions to improve candidate (s)election processes. Parties must explore context-specific options to determine the best solutions for each circumstance.

    While the past 30 years have witnessed the democratization of candidate (s)election processes across the Transatlantic space, a new trend is now developing towards more technocratic solutions that view candidate (s)election processes as a technical issue that necessitates a professional, HR-based approach.

    Centralized processes of party candidate (s)election allow greater control, but often leave parties vulnerable to dynamic outside contenders. Voters may grow disinterested in parties that exercise opaque candidate (s)election processes.

    Increasing competition for voters in congested fields of political parties necessitates candidate (s)election innovations, leveraging both technological applications and new technocratic recruitment processes.

    Candidate (s)election methods reflect historical experiences and can be difficult to reform. Knowledge of other parties’ reform experiences in comparable countries empowers party leaders with clearer perspectives in devising successful reform plans. This includes the timing of reforms, which are usually most successful following an electoral defeat.

    Introduction

    The line is a classic of post-election defeat talks in party headquarters (and often within party membership): “if only we had chosen another candidate, things may have turned out differently.” The answer often is: certainly, the campaign may indeed have turned out differently – but would the outcome necessarily have been different?

    In our democratic political systems, where personalities have come to matter as much as, if not more so, than ideologies and manifestos, candidate selection, or in some cases election, has become a crucial part of our democratic life. Indeed, in countries such as the United States, or to a lesser extent, Italy and France, one could argue that candidate selection may now be the main raison d’être for political parties. Of course, the reality of an individual candidate’s impact on a campaign can differ depending on a number of factors. Structurally, candidates running in a constituency on their own name (usually with a party affiliation, if only for branding purposes) will carry more responsibility for an electoral result than candidates who run as part of a proportional list. And even in a direct constituency election, different qualifications or skills may be required of a candidate. For example, a candidate running in a one-round, first-past-the-post system where mobilization of sympathizers is often key, necessitates different personalities and competencies, in comparison to a candidate running in a two-round system where the election depends to a much larger extent on convincing a wider crowd (50%+1 at least) to cast their ballot for the candidate.

    Source : www.iri.org

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